Washington and the French & Indian War

many Americans think of the Revolutionary War as the pivotal event of eighteenth-century America because, to them, it represents the beginnings of our state. however, some historians argue that the french and indian War was more significant, as its events and aftermath started Americans on the path to independence. The war tested the relationships between America and the mother state. The decisions that arose from the battle caused both the british and the Americans to question the nature of the colonial partnership. After the french and indian War, it began to become apparent that America and Britain were developing culturally and socially along different lines, and the war exposed and exacerbated the fundamental differences between british and american goals .
George Washington was a pivotal figure in the french and indian War from the earliest days. For Washington the french and amerind War started in recently 1753, when he was selected as the british emissary to the french frontier establishment. It ended with the fall of Fort Duquesne to the combined british and colonial forces. He was a young and ambitious man when he volunteered. His actions — which reflected his lack of know — and his ambitions helped determine the class of the war .
The war was besides an important event in Washington ’ mho life and development. His late decisions and actions were influenced by his french and indian War experience. Washington ’ s war experiences not merely taught him valuable lessons about dominate and politics, they besides caused him to re-examine his master and personal goals. The war both provided Washington with valuable military experience and shaped his perceptions of the relationship between the colonials and the british. Washington emerged from the war as a less naïve person.

Washington was an ambitious young man who wanted to pursue a military career. Before his death, Washington ’ randomness old, stepbrother Lawrence Washington had a brevet policeman ’ second commission in the regular british united states army during the british invasion of Cartagena [ 1 ] and served as the military adjutant for Virginia. It was common in eighteenth-century Virginia for official positions to pass down within families, and it may have been with this in mind that Washington actively sought to succeed Lawrence as a military adjutant. The adjutants ’ character was to instruct the militia officers and soldiers in the use and exercise of their arms, to increase discipline in the militia, and to teach the men of the lower classes how to be more civilize. The colonial government divided the colony into four military districts ; Washington lobbied for the adjutancy of the Northern Neck, which included his home. however, Washington was appointed to the adjutancy of the Southern zone, which stretched from the James River to the North Carolina edge. While he was disappoint not to receive the district close to family, it was an honor for the as not-yet-21-year-old Washington ( who had no military experience ) to be appointed to the adjutancy with its £100 per year wage and a Virginia Major ’ s commission. [ 2 ]
By the early 1750s the french and british were in conflict in the Ohio Valley. Since the beginning of european settlement in the seventeenth hundred, English village had lento expanded west from the eastern seaside, while french liquidation moved south from Canada. In the 1740s, british traders entered the Ohio Valley and began competing with already established french traders for amerind commerce. In 1744 the Iroquois signed the Treaty of Lancaster with the British, which ceded Iroquois claims in Maryland and Virginia. While the Iroquois assumed that this meant the Shenandoah Valley and land already within settled colonial boundaries, the british interpreted it as the integral area of English claim. Virginia ’ s charter specified that its western boundary was the Pacific Ocean .
In 1745, the Virginia House of Burgesses began granting western country to Virginia-based kingdom companies. [ 3 ] The french see this as a threat to their territorial claims, which were based on early exploration and settlement. In 1752 France sent the Marquis de Duquesne to be the governor-general of Canada and to command french forces in North America. Throughout the rest of 1752 and early 1753, the french built strategically located forts throughout the Ohio Valley to protect their claims. [ 4 ]

Mission to the Ohio

Lieutenant Governor Robert Dinwiddie (National Portrait Gallery) The Lieutenant Governor of Virginia, Robert Dinwiddie, was peculiarly song in calling upon the british government, through the Privy Council, to stop french incursions into the Ohio Valley. Dinwiddie had a significant fiscal interest in the Ohio Company and may have seen his investment threatened. The Privy Council agreed to give the colonial governors the might to resist french incursions in America. King George II ’ s instructions stated that the governor was to erect forts, protect english claims and remove any Indians or Europeans from English territory. He authorized Dinwiddie to ask the House of Burgesses for money and to raise a militia. [ 5 ] however, because Dinwiddie was feuding with the Burgesses [ 6 ] who refused to vote the funds for an armed expedition against the french, he decided to send an emissary rather. [ 7 ]
Washington may have heard about the expedition from his neighbor and patron, Colonel William Fairfax. In October 1753, Washington traveled to Williamsburg to present himself to Dinwiddie and to volunteer to be Britain ’ s emissary to the french. [ 8 ] Washington was not denotative as to why he was will to take on this assignment, but he may have hoped to ingratiate himself with the governor with the intension of succeeding to the Northern adjutancy. Dinwiddie accepted Washington ’ randomness services, possibly because of his connections to the Ohio Company. [ 9 ]

Dinwiddie instructed Washington to travel to Wills Creek ( Cumberland, MD ) — where the Ohio Company ’ s fortified storehouse was located — and to hire Christopher Gist as a guide. [ 10 ] From there, he was to hire porters and proceed to Logstown, an indian colony. At Logstown, Washington was to determine where the french forces were posted, request an indian escort, and proceed to the french forts in the Ohio River Valley [ 11 ]. Dinwiddie instructed Washington, once he arrived at the french fort, to present his letter from the Governor, expect for a reply, and request a french bodyguard back to the Virginia settlements. While waiting at the fortress, he was to note troop lastingness, armaments, defenses, communications, and learn all he could about the french plans. [ 12 ]
Washington ’ s first gear official discontinue was at Logstown. The Mingos, Shawnee and Delawares who lived in the Ohio Valley were client/allies of the Iroquois Confederacy. The Iroquois Council appointed resident, village headmen within the subject tribe in the Ohio Valley. These ‘ half-kings ’ had the authority to give and receive diplomatic gifts for the Confederacy but not to make independent treaties. [ 13 ] The half baron at Logstown was an adoptive Seneca named Tanacharison, [ 14 ] most normally referred to by colonial Virginians as “ Half King ”. When Washington arrived at Logstown, he presented gifts and tried to convince Tanacharison to join an commitment with the british. Tanacharison seemed tidal bore to ally with the british as he had his own grievances with the french. Earlier he had met with the french commanding officer — Captain Pierre Paul de la Malgue, sieur de Marin — at the fortress at Presque Isle where he demanded that the french leave amerind territory. The air force officer had refused to leave, claiming that the french owned the land. He besides had refused to take the boodle treaty belt Tanaghrisson presented ( signifying the treaty with the Indians was broken ). Tanacharison was offended by this and was tidal bore to give the belt to the newly regional french commander, Captain Jacques Legardeur de Saint-Pierre, at Fort LeBeouef. He promptly agreed to accompany Washington to the french forts and to provide an official date party, although it would take a few days to prepare for the travel. Washington wanted to leave right off and chafed over the delay. When the group was finally ready, Washington was dismayed to find that the escort party consisted of a few erstwhile chiefs and one young hunter to provide fresh meat along the way. [ 15 ]
Washington and his party arrived at the first french fort, Venango, [ 16 ] on December 4. The french had expelled a british trader named John Fraser from his trade station and were fortifying his buildings into a fortify. The commander, Captain Philippe Thomas Joincare, sieur de Chabert, greeted Washington heartily but refused to accept his letter. He insisted that Washington travel to the french senior air force officer at Fort LeBeouef. Joincare besides refused to accept Tanacharison ’ mho belt, but directed him to Fort LeBeouef adenine well. [ 17 ]

The party then traveled on to Fort Le Beouef, where they met with Captain Jacques Legardeur de Saint-Pierre, the regional commander. St. Pierre was besides reluctant to accept the letter, suggesting that Washington should present it to the governor of Canada in Quebec. Washington refused and waited for St. Pierre ’ s response. As at Venango, Washington examined the fortifications. The party soon suspected that the french were trying to steal the Indians ’ allegiances. St. Pierre was more sympathetic and accommodating than Marin, although he besides refused to accept the treaty belt. At this point, Washington became convinced that the french were preparing to float a bombastic military contingent down the river vitamin a soon as the weather allowed. He decided that he needed to warn Dinwiddie angstrom soon as potential. [ 18 ] As soon as he received St. Pierre ’ south reception, Washington ’ s party left, insisting that the Indians accompany them .
In the waning days of December, the dispatch became more difficult. Washington and Gist noted in their journals that the Indians succumbed to french cordial reception and alcohol before the party reached the final french outstation, and Washington left them behind. As the weather grew increasingly worse, Washington ordered the porters to continue on their own while he and Gist went overland on foot to make better time. After respective harrow experiences, Washington and Gist returned to the border of the Virginia liquidation ; Washington made hurry to deliver his papers and impressions to Dinwiddie. [ 19 ]
Washington arrived in Williamsburg on January 16, 1754 and immediately reported to Dinwiddie. [ 20 ] Dinwiddie was convinced that the french fort-building natural process and St. Pierre ’ randomness response were acts of aggression against Great Britain. Furthermore he believed that the aggression was crying enough to warrant a military answer. While the Governor ’ s Council was volition to approve military action, the House of Burgesses was not. consequently, while the House of Burgesses was out of school term, the Council authorized Dinwiddie to raise a storm to drive the french out of the Ohio. Joshua Fry, a well-liked professor at the College of William and Mary, was commissioned Colonel and appointed to lead the expedition. [ 21 ] Washington was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel and ordered to raise men and prepare for the mission. [ 22 ] While Washington was recruiting in Alexandria, Virginia, amerind trader William Trent was raising a company of 100 frontiersmen. The frontiersmen ’ south task was to build a fort deoxyadenosine monophosphate promptly as possible at the forks of the Monongahela to defend against farther french impingement. [ 23 ]
Washington was instructed to recruit men from the militia in the western counties, presumably those most interest in keeping the frontier open. The County Lieutenants were instructed to help. This was Washington ’ s first feel with the difficulties of recruit and retaining soldiers. The local anesthetic militia were in confusion, and few men were volition to volunteer for the first gear, casual wages paid by the army. Under terror of a gulp, some local anesthetic officials offered Washington men who were uncoiled from the county jail ! [ 24 ] Washington wrote to his younger brother, John Augustine, of his difficulties, “ you may, with about peer success, attack to raize the Dead to Life again, as the force of this Country. ” [ 25 ] When it became apparent that militia alone would not provide enough men, Dinwiddie authorized a cosmopolitan enlistment with men to be rewarded with farming grants near the soon-to-be established fortify. [ 26 ]
Washington besides discovered that supplies were closely ampere unmanageable to come by as men. Most of the men who came to the army were poor. They did not have dress or shoes let alone the guns the militia laws mandated. John Carlyle of Alexandria was appointed Commissary of Supply ; however, due to a miss of funds, he was unable to secure the necessary quantities of goods. [ 27 ]
We daily Experience the great necessity for Cloathing the Men, as we find the generality of those who are to be Enlisted are of those loose, idle Persons that are quite destitute of House and Home, and I may truly say many of them of Cloaths which last, render ’ s them very incapable of the necessary Service, as they must inescapably be exhibition ’ d to inclement weather in their Marches & ca and can expect no early, than to encounter about every trouble that ’ s incident to a Soldiers Life [. ] There is many of them without Shoes, other ’ s want Stockings some are without Shirts, and not a few that have Scare a Coat, or Waistcoat, to their Backs ; in curtly, they are as illy provided as can well be conceiv ’ d.. . [ 28 ]
The add problems besides extended to food, wagons, and horses. The army was given the authority to impress wagons and teams, but farmers hid their best wagons and horses from the impressers. Washington wrote several letters to the governor asking for money and supplies with little leave. Washington was frustrated by the government ’ s failure to provide money or to purchase necessary items .

Jumonville Glen and the Start of the War

Washington began marching his troops toward the frontier on April 18, 1754. He had only 159 men, few supplies, and fewer wagons. His finish was the british fortify under construction on the forks of the Monongahela. Dinwiddie had heard that the french were gathering their troops to attack the garrison preferably than expected. His instructions were clear :

You are to act on the Difensive, but in Case any Attempts are made to obstruct the Works or interrupt our Settlemts by any Persons any, You are to restrain all such Offenders, & in Case of underground to make Prisoners of or kill & destroy them. For the rest You are to conduct Yrself as the Circumsts of the Service shall require, & to act as You shall find best for the Furtherance of His M [ ajest ] yttrium ’ randomness Service, & the Good of his Domn. [ 29 ]

While on the march, Washington encountered the sprawl remains of Ensign Edward Ward ’ s contingent in retirement from the forks. The french had taken the british fort without a shot. Faced with a vastly superior force, Ward had surrendered. [ 30 ] Washington continued on with the understand that reinforcements were on the way. Fry was scheduled to leave Alexandria with 100 men. Three mugwump companies [ 31 ] from South Carolina and New York were on the border. North Carolina besides reported that they were sending militia in documentation of the british and colonial induce. [ 32 ] Believing he was the advance dowry of a large contingent of soldiers, Washington elected to continue his deputation and set his sights for the Ohio Company ’ s fortified storehouse on Red Stone Creek. [ 33 ]
Washington made camp in Great Meadows on May 24 and prepared to erect a belittled garrison. He found the location favorable because there was a little stream for water, ample scrounge, gullies that could serve as natural trenches, and an open field for struggle. He reported to Dinwiddie that it was a “ charming sphere for an run into. ” [ 34 ] While Washington was in clique, scouts and traders in hideaway from french forces on the frontier stopped to report that french parties were active in the area. Washington felt that the french needed to be cut off before they could report the british force and location back to the main force. He sent out a 75-man scouting party the good morning of May 27. That night, a messenger from Tanacharison arrived in camp to say that the Indians knew the french party ’ mho location. Washington detached forty men and rendezvoused with Tanacharison ’ s warriors .
Jumonville Glen today (Rob Shenk)
Tanacharison and his warriors led Washington to the french camp at the bed of a deep glen, rimmed with rock. It was early in the morning, and the Frenchmen were precisely beginning to stir. It is indecipherable whether one of the french saw the british and Indians surrounding the glen ’ south rim and shot up or whether one of Washington ’ s men fired down beginning. Regardless of who began the rally, Washington ’ s storm, shooting from the clear of the glen down into the camp, quickly overcame the french. Washington subsequently reported one man dead and three wounded while the french had suffered fourteen casualties, including the expedition ’ mho leader Ensign Joseph Coulon de Villiers de Jumonville. As Washington began the process of accepting the french capitulation, Tanaghrisson ’ randomness Indians suddenly began to kill the hurt and scalp the dead french soldiers. Washington was able to protect one of the hurt and all of the healthy prisoners. [ 35 ]
The surviving french prisoners insisted that they were an ambassadorial party and handed papers to Washington as proof. They insisted that their instructions were to find the british and order them from french territory, not unlike Washington ’ s mission of the former winter. The prisoners were taken back to Great Meadows, where Washington dismissed the theme that they were an embassy. He argued that if they were ambassadors, they would have openly approached the british camp preferably than hiding. He speculated that they were there to spy on his troops and report back ; their diplomatic papers were simply a ruse to be used if they were caught. [ 36 ]

Fort Necessity

Washington returned to Great Meadows and in the play along weeks readied for battle. Fearing that the french and Indians would attack in retribution for his earlier attack on them, he pushed his men to complete the humble, wall garrison called Fort Necessity and deepen the trenches that radiated out from the fort. [ 37 ] Washington bragged to Dinwiddie that the fortress was firm enough “ not to fear the attack of 500 Men. ” [ 38 ] After Joshua Fry died [ 39 ], Washington was made the commander of the Virginia forces. Soon the Independent Company from South Carolina under Captain James Mackay arrived at Great Meadows with 100 men. At the like time, Tanacharison ’ s group of about 80 women, children, and a few warriors took up camp in the field. Two hundred extra Virginia troops marched in. [ 40 ] Washington began to plan his attack on Fort Duquesne .

Washington did not intend to make a stand at Fort Necessity ; [ 41 ] quite he planned to make the Ohio Company ’ s fortified storehouse at Red Stone Creek [ 42 ] his headquarter. He and the Virginia forces [ 43 ] left Fort Necessity on June 16 constipate for Red Stone Creek. Along the way, he stopped at Gist ’ s New Settlement for a conference with the local indian tribe. Washington hoped to convince the Delawares, Shawnees, and Iroquois to join his assail on the french. All of the tribes were civilized but refused to join him. Word began to trickle in that the french were readying to attack the british force out. It became apparent that Washington ’ mho troops did not have the energy or ability to make it all the way to Red Stone Creek, so they turned back to Fort Necessity. Washington hoped that promised and badly needed supplies would have arrived at the Fort. [ 44 ]
At Necessity, Washington concentrated on readying the fort for a fight. The men deepened and extended the trenches and connected a trench to the water supply. They had already cleared brush to prepare the field for battle. [ 45 ] Washington hush assumed that Fort Necessity was well-located in Great Meadows. The ground was very boggy ; the fort was located therefore that lone one side had ground firm enough to support an assail. He assumed that the French would meet on the field in the traditional, european room of struggle .
It began to rain early in the good morning on July 3. The french troops appeared about 11 that dawn and advanced in three column. Washington ordered his men out of the fort and lined up to fight. The french fired from about 600 yards and the british took their positions in trenches, now full of rain, to defend the fort. When they had advanced to within about 60 yards, the french scattered to the surrounding hillsides. The french began an eight-hour barrage of the short fort and the expose british soldiers. [ 46 ] “ They then from every short rising—tree—stump—stone — and pubic hair kept up a ceaseless, galding displace upon us.. . ” [ 47 ] The french broke off the attack at 8 autopsy that night and called for a parley. Washington was immediately leery as to why the french would want to negotiate when they were so clearly winning. He took banal of his resources. All of his horses and livestock had been killed. The powder was wet, and most of the men ’ mho guns were jammed with no hope of repair. One third base of his men were dead or wounded. Some of the men had broken into the rummy supply and were quickly getting intoxicated. [ 48 ] Washington sent his only french-speaking officers, Jacob vanguard Braam and William Peroney, to discuss terms with the french. After respective exchanges, van Braam brought back the written terms. [ 49 ]
Fort Necessity  (Rob Shenk)
The terms were difficult to make out. They were written in French in identical bad handwriting on a piece of newspaper quickly getting wet from the rain. It was night and the british officers had only a little candlelight with which to make out the terms. No one but vanguard Braam spoke or read french, and he had inadequate English skills. As they understood the terms, the british were welcome to leave their fortify unmolested adenine long as they returned the french prisoners, left the area, agreed not to return for at least a class, and admitted to the “ death ” or “ passing ” of Jumonville. The terms seemed specially liberal and generous ; Mackay and Washington signed them. [ 50 ] It was not until the surrender document was more accurately translated and published that Washington and the british world understood that he had admitted to assassinating an ambassador on a mission of peace. [ 51 ] Van Braam was bluffly criticized for his translation failures and for a while was even accused of treason. [ 52 ]
On July 4, 1754 Washington and all the british troops left Fort Necessity headed for the frontier town of Winchester, Virginia to regroup. Along the way and for months afterwards, men deserted in droves. [ 53 ] Dinwiddie was anxious for Washington to immediately recruit his regiment back to full strength and immediately return to the field before the campaign temper was over in the fall. [ 54 ] Tiring of the conflicts between colonials and regulars over who had assurance over whom, Dinwiddie planned to reorganize the Virginia regiment into independent companies commanded by captains. He hoped to appoint Virginians to regular, captains ’ positions. Washington did not want to serve at a lower rank than before, even if it came with a regular commission. [ 55 ] When offered a commission he replied, “ I think, the disparity between the award offer of a Company, and my former Rank, besides big to expect any real number satisfaction or enjoyment in a Corps, where I once did, nor thought I had a correct to, command. ” [ 56 ] Washington resigned his Virginia instruction to Dinwiddie in October 1754 and returned to individual life sentence to concentrate on his farm .

Braddock’s March

Washington returned to military life sentence in March 1755. The british send Brigadier General Edward Braddock to Virginia with British regular soldiers to take the independent french stronghold of Fort Duquesne ( near Pittsburgh, PA ). General Braddock offered Washington a set in his “ family ” on this expedition. This was Washington ’ s foremost opportunity to serve in a military campaign led by an feel, professional officer. He had renewed promise for a regular committee, although he denied it to respective correspondents. [ 57 ] The mission was not a success ; the British were badly defeated at the Monongahela River. [ 58 ] The british regulars broke and ran under the bombing of french and indian bullets. Washington helped to organize the retirement. Braddock died of his wounds, and Washington ordered him buried under the road he had cut. even though it was lone July, the future in dominate, Colonel Thomas Dunbar, put the regulars into winter quarters .
Dinwiddie refused to accept that the remains of the british forces were unwilling to return to the airfield. He petitioned the House of Burgesses for funds and determined to send his Virginians out again. He offered Washington the command. [ 59 ] Washington insisted on sealed conditions : he wanted a military chest of drawers from which to pay expenses ; he wanted to select his own officers ; and he insisted on two aides d ’ camp. Dinwiddie agreed. Washington set out to establish his headquarters at Winchester, Virginia. [ 60 ]

Washington had a Herculean job ahead of him in enroll and supplying troops. He spent a frightful amount of time coordinating these efforts. He besides had difficulty keeping men in the service once recruited or drafted ; they deserted in large numbers. He wrote to the governor and members of the House of Burgesses pleading for a revision in the militia law. He decried that the laws were written thus as to exempt affluent or tied middle-class men from military service. The laws were disproportionately aimed at drafting the extremely poor : men who were a bang on the community. Washington was frustrated by the choice of the soldiers he could obtain. “ I see the growing Insolence of the Soldiers, the Indolence, and Inactivity of the Officers.. .I can plainly see that under our present constitution we shall become a Nusance : an indefensible charge to our Country, and never answer any one arithmetic mean of the Assembly. ” [ 61 ] “ [ A ] s many of those [ men ] we have got are actually, in a manner bad to Duty ; and were received more through necessity than choice ; and will very badly bear a re-examination. ” [ 62 ] He found the militiamen to be wasteful and unmotivated. furthermore, the militia ’ s short enlistment times made their avail undependable. “ [ T ] hese militia being raised merely for a month, lose half the time in marchings out & home. particularly those who come from the adjacent Counties, who must be on duty sometime before they reach their station ; by which means double sets of men are in wage at the lapp time, and for the like Service. ” [ 63 ] Washington was frequently frustrated by the men he had and sought to overcome these deficiencies with rigorous regulations and pleas to the Virginia government for more support .
Supporting to the war was unpopular among the people in the countryside. Deserters were routinely hidden from the military. Washington wrote of a local anesthetic throng that freed several men from imprison who had been drafted and were being held until they could be attached to a regiment. This was not an isolate act. [ 64 ] Settlers besides threatened, “ to blow out my [ Washington ’ south ] brains ” when the army tried to impress want supplies. [ 65 ] Washington was challenged in fulfilling his duty by the miss of support among the people he was fighting for and by the Virginia government ’ sulfur halfhearted support. [ 66 ]
Washington ’ s mission as Virginia ’ s commander-in-chief was to execute a scheme to maintain the Virginia frontiers. After Braddock ’ south frustration, the colonies ’ western borders contracted dramatically. Indians mounted attacks on frontier settlements and apart towns. Washington said that the settlers were leaving the backcountry in droves for fear of amerind attack ; the settlers were quickly abandoning their farms and retreating to more secure areas. [ 67 ] Virginia, along with Pennsylvania and Maryland, decided to erect and garrison a string of little, frontier forts. They were meant to provide a wall of security against indian raids and french incursion. Washington was doubting of the plan from the begin, “ It seemed to be the Sentiments of the House of Burgesses when I was down, that a chain of Forts should be erected upon our Frontiers for the defensive structure of the people : This expedient, in my public opinion, will never, without an impossible number of men, answer their expectations. ” [ 68 ] In practice, the forts proved deplorably inadequate to the undertaking. Very few could be considered forts in the true sense of the parole. Most were humble, ailing constructed affairs that offered little protection and were difficult to defend. Washington ’ s dilemma was that the forts were spaced excessively far apart — about 18 to 20 miles — to allow men to effectively patrol between. This left the settlers unprotected. If the settlers took recourse in a fort, their farms were vulnerable. [ 69 ] Although, Washington and his men acquitted themselves honorably, fighting about 10 little conflicts and losing about 100 men, [ 70 ] Washington was challenged in protecting the frontier .

The Forbes Expedition   

then, in 1755, the british frontier scheme changed. The army in America was reorganized to undertake three major campaigns. Washington and his First Virginia regiment were assigned to General John Forbes. The Second Virginia regiment was constituted and raised under Colonel William Byrd III ; it besides was placed under Forbes. Forbes ’ deputation was to lead an attack on Fort Duquesne. Washington and Byrd were to be line officers under Forbes ’ command. [ 71 ] The wonder of command was ultimately settled when it was decided that colonial officers could only be commanded by their regular counterparts and above. [ 72 ] This was satisfactory to Washington, although he continued to hope for a regular commission .
Fort Ligonier (Rob Shenk)
Washington agreed with the strategy of marching a well-supplied, brawny storm to Fort Duquesne. Forbes ’ united states army consisted of between six and seven thousand regular and colonial forces. [ 73 ] Washington disagree with the route that Forbes decided to take. Forbes intended to cut an wholly new westerly road, starting in Pennsylvania, rather than resurrect Braddock ’ s previous road. Washington argued that it would be easier to enlarge Braddock ’ s road than to start over again. Washington besides knew that the united states army ’ second road would subsequently funnel frontier trade bet on east. He would have preferred that it travel along Braddock ’ s road towards Virginia preferably than along Forbes ’ proposed route to Pennsylvania. [ 74 ] To Washington ’ south disappointment, Forbes refused to change his mind and proceeded to cut a new road through Pennsylvania .
The Forbes expedition was carefully planned and executed. Forbes ’ force laic in his care to detail and his resolve that the supply lines remain open. He besides insisted that his underlings not act independently, but follow his orders precisely. He was ferocious when he found out that respective hundred men had been lost in an unauthorized, preemptive attack on Duquesne. [ 75 ] Forbes was a good character mannequin for Washington who learned from him the importance of supply in keeping an army in the field .
The campaign ended in November when the british forces ultimately took Fort Duquesne. As the british moved closer, the french commander grew more concerned about his ability to defend his mail. He had few men and resources, his supply lines having been cut off a few months before when the british took Fort Frontenac. He elected to abandon his post, and on November 23 he ordered the magazines blown up and the fortress burned down. Leading an overture group, Washington reached the smoke remains of the garrison on November 24, 1758. [ 76 ] By the time the british took Fort Duquesne without firing a inject, they had mounted a series of successful attacks on other french positions as well. The french were immediately losing the war .
Forbes was fortunate in his time as the colonial enlistments were due to expire at the end of November. however, November not only marked the end of many provincials ’ enlistments, it was besides to be the end of Washington ’ s affair with the war. He ended his campaigns having achieved his original military goal. Washington began the war with the excursion to the french, ordering them to leave British-claimed territory. He ended the war when the french were promptly losing territory and in withdraw. Washington would return to Williamsburg at the end of the year and, ultimately, permanently resign his perpetration in the Virginia forces. He had successfully stood for election to the House of Burgesses that year and would take his seat in February. His marriage proposal to the widow Martha Dandridge Custis had been accepted, and their marry date was set for January. Washington was ready for fresh challenges as a legislator and a planter .
Washington began his military career with enthusiasm and a hope that he could rise in His Majesty ’ randomness Service. When he resigned his commission for the final time, it was with the cognition that he could not succeed under the conditions of his service, even though his “ inclinations [ were ] powerfully flex to arms. ” [ 77 ] He ultimately accepted that a regular army commission at the rank he wanted would not be forthcoming. He had respective offers of a captainship, [ 78 ] but taking a lower rank than what he had held in the Virginia forces was unacceptable. When he did serve with regular officers, it became apparent that the british had fiddling obedience for the colonials or their abilities. When he commanded his own Virginia forces, he found the House of Burgesses unwilling to commit the money necessary to equip and support an army. He was foster frustrated by the miss of support among the people he was supposed to be protecting. His initial exuberance, which led him to report at Jumonville ’ sulfur Glen, “ I heard Bulletts whistle and believe me there was something charming in the heavy, ” [ 79 ] had waned by the take of Fort Duquesne. however, years by and by, in the war for independence, he would call upon his french and amerind War military feel and apply the lessons he had learned .

By Elizabeth L. Maurer
Education Project Manager
[ 1 ] Cartagena, Columbia is an island city and major South American interface. The spanish held Cartagena in 1740 when the british army and united states navy attacked their forts as separate of a declare war with Spain .
[ 2 ] Douglas Southall Freeman, George Washington : A Biography, Young Washington, vol. 1, New York, Charles Scribner ’ randomness Sons, 1948, 267-8 .
[ 3 ] Fred Anderson, Crucible of War ; The Seven Years ’ War and the Fate of Empire in British North America, 1754-1766, New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 2000, 23 .
[ 4 ] Anderson, 31-32 .
[ 5 ] Freeman, 274 .
[ 6 ] The feud was over the pistole fee. According to police, the governor was entitled to one pistole ( mint of moderate measure ) every time he used the sealing wax of Virginia on official documents. No governor had ever been successful in collecting this tip from the forum, though most had tried. Dinwiddie was more adamant than most and refused to execute the seal on any official documents—like raw laws—until the fee was paid. Dinwiddie finally lost the fight .
[ 7 ] Anderson, 41 .
[ 8 ] Freeman, 273 .
[ 9 ] Washington ’ second older brother Lawrence had been an investor in the Ohio Land Company. Washington had executed several surveys on the Fairfax patents. Lord Fairfax was besides an investor .
[ 10 ] Christopher Gist was a frontiersman and internet explorer. He was hired by the Ohio Company in 1749 to sketch state claims and explore the Ohio Valley. He was active in settling the frontier. See Papers, vol. I, Colonial Series, 60-61 for the textbook of Washington ’ second instructions .
[ 11 ] The British did not know the precise location of the french forts. Dinwiddie and Washington knew that the Indians at Logstown knew their locations and the best routes to them, and this is the primary reason why Washington was sent to Logstown .
[ 12 ] Freeman, 276. See Appendix Two for the mileage of Washington ’ s stumble .
[ 13 ] Anderson, 18 .
[ 14 ] There are respective spellings of this diagnose. This is the National Park Service spell .
[ 15 ] George Washington, The Journal of Major George Washington : An account of His First Official Mission, made as Emissary from the Governor of Virginia to the Commandant of the french Forces on the Ohio, October 1753-January 1754, Dominion Books, The University Press of Virginia ( Charlottesville, VA ; 1959 ), 13. Washington did not understand Tanacharison ’ mho kinship to the Onondaga council and the extent of his powers. The Half King did not have the authority to make treaties, and that is what Washington was basically asking him to do. however, as nominal allies of the british, he had to appease Washington equally far as he could. Tanacharison could return the treaty belt to the french and make known that the french had offended him. He could not risk taking a large body of warriors to the french forts because it might have been interpreted aggressively. The Iroquois had succeeded for years in making both the french and english believe that they controlled the libra of office in the Ohio Valley, and it was in their interests to maintain this façade. See Anderson, p. 18.

[ 16 ] Site of contemporary Franklin, PA .
[ 17 ] Washington ’ s Journal, 15. Joncaire provided Washington a meal with bang-up quantities of wine. Washington pretended to get drink and eavesdropped as Joncaire and his officers discussed the french plans to control the Ohio Valley .
[ 18 ] Freeman, 311 .
[ 19 ] See “ Washington ’ s Return from the french Forts ” essay for a more complete description of Washington ’ s adventures upon his return from the french. See Appendix One for text of Dinwiddie ’ mho letter and St. Pierre ’ second answer .
[ 19 ] Anderson, 45 .
[ 20 ] Freeman, 338. Dinwiddie was pleased with Washington ’ s accomplishments ; soon after his arrival, Washington was rewarded with the military adjutancy for the Northern Neck. Dinwiddie insisted that Washington publish his journal to raise documentation for driving out the french .
[ 21 ] Freeman, 338-9 .
[ 22 ] Anderson, 45 .
[ 23 ] Freeman, 334 .
[ 24 ] Anderson, 50 .
[ 25 ] The Papers of George Washington, 1748-August 1755, ed. By W.W. Abbott, Colonial Series, vol. I, Charlottesville, University Press of Virginia, 289. Washington to John Augustine Washington, May 28, 1755 .
[ 26 ] Freeman, 334 .
[ 27 ] Freeman, 336 .
[ 28 ] Papers, Colonial Series, vol. I, 73-4 .
[ 29 ] Papers, Colonial Series, vol. I, 65. Robert Dinwiddie to Washington, Jan. n.d., 1754 .
[ 30 ] Freeman, 350. Washington ’ randomness papers .
[ 31 ] An Independent Company was a party of british regular soldiers recruited from among the colonials and commanded by regular officers. They were not attached to specific regiments ; therefore, they were independent companies .
[ 32 ] Freeman, 360 .
[ 33 ] Freeman, 362 .
[ 34 ] Papers, Colonial Series, vol. I, 105. George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie May 27, 1754 .
[ 35 ] Anderson, 6 .
[ 36 ] Freeman, 375 .
[ 37 ] The fortress was completed on June 2, four days after Jumonville. See Anderson, 59 .
[ 38 ] Papers Colonial Series, vol. I, 124. George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie June 3, 1754 .
[ 39 ] Joshua Fry died after falling from a horse .
[ 40 ] Anderson, 8 .
[ 41 ] Anderson, 60 .
[ 42 ] The exact localization of the Red Stone Creek build is not known, but it was confederacy of present day Fayette City, PA. It is about 30 miles northwest of Great Meadows .
[ 43 ] The Independent Company remained behind. Washington and Mackay were in disagreement as to who was in the command .
[ 44 ] Freeman, 397-398 .
[ 45 ] Freeman, 401 .
[ 46 ] Freeman, 403. Anderson, 62-63 .
[ 47 ] Papers, Colonial Series, vol. I, 172. George Washington ’ s Account of the Capitulation of Fort Necessity. 1786 .
[ 48 ] Freeman, 405. Anderson, 63 .
[ 49 ] Peroney seems to have been injured or collapsed from earlier wounds before the decision of the negotiations leaving van Braam as the sole interpreter .
[ 50 ] Freeman, 408. Anderson, 64 .
[ 51 ] The published terms created quite a stimulate in France and Britain. They portrayed Great Britain as the aggressor. The french were outraged that an ambassador had been killed. Washington defended himself by pointing out that Jumonville ’ s behavior was identical leery for an emissary ; he believed Jumonville to be a spy using ambassadorial papers as a cover .
[ 52 ] Freeman, 413 .
[ 53 ] Anderson, 65 .
[ 54 ] Freeman, 431 .
[ 55 ] Freeman, 441 .
[ 56 ] Papers, Colonial Series, vol. I., 225. George Washington to William Fitzhugh, November 15, 1754 .
[ 57 ] Papers, Colonial Series, vol. I, 243, George Washington to Robert Orme, March 15, 1755 ; Papers, Colonial Series, vol. I, 250, George Washington to William Byrd, April 20, 1755 .
[ 58 ] See “ Washington and the Battle of Monongahela ” essay for more dispatch information on the dispatch .
[ 59 ] Freeman, Washington, vol. 2., 109
[ 60 ] Papers, Colonial Series, vol. II., 5-6. Instructions from Robert Dinwiddie to George Washington, August 14, 1755 .
[ 61 ] Papers, Colonial Series, vol. II, 102-103. George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, October 11, 1755 .
[ 62 ] Papers, Colonial Series, vol. II, 335. George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, April 7, 1756
[ 63 ] Library of Congress, Washington papers collection, hypertext transfer protocol : //memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage ? collId=mgw2 & fileName=gwpage004.db & recNum=53 & tempFile=./temp/~ammem_caaO & filecode=mgw & next_filecode=mgw & prev_filecode=mgw & itemnum=2 & ndocs=41, George Washington to John Robinson, November 1756 .
[ 64 ] Papers, Colonial Series, vol. II, 30-1. George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, September 11, 1755 .
[ 65 ] Papers, Colonial Series, vol. II, 102. George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, October 11, 1755. “ In all things I meet with the greatest opposition no orders are obey ’ vitamin d but what a Party of Soldier ’ randomness or my own draw sword Enforces ; without this a individual cavalry for the most pressing juncture can not be had, to such a pitch has the crust of these People arrivd by having every point so far submitted to them ; however, I have given up none where his Majestys Service requires the Contrary, and where my proceedings are justified by my Instruction ’ randomness, nor will I, unless they execute what they threaten i.e, to blow out my brains. ”
[ 66 ] Some argue that the House of Burgesses did not adequately supply the Virginia regiment because they did not care about frontier defense. The most powerful members were bang-up planters from the Tidewater with little interest in the frontier. They were more concern with potential slave uprisings. They allocated 55 % of the military budget to militias, which provided internal security, and 45 % to the external security storm : the Virginia regiment. See Anderson 159-160 .
[ 67 ] Papers, Colonial Series, vol. II, 105. George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, October 11, 1755 .
[ 68 ] Papers, Colonial Series, vol. II, 334. George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, April 7, 1756 .
[ 69 ] Anderson, 158 .
[ 70 ] Anderson, 160 .
[ 71 ] Freeman, vol. II, 397-8 .
[ 72 ] James Thomas Flexner, George Washington : The Forge of Experience ( 1732-1775 ), Boston, New York, Toronto, London : Little, Brown and Company, 1965. 194 .
[ 73 ] Flexner, 194 .
[ 74 ] Flexner, 206-7 .
[ 75 ] Anderson, 272 .
[ 76 ] Anderson, 282-3.

[ 77 ] Papers, Colonial Series, vol. I, 225-6. George Washington to William Fitzhugh, November 15, 1754 .
[ 78 ] Papers, Colonial Series, vol. I, 225-6. George Washington to William Fitzhugh, November 15, 1754 .
[ 79 ] Papers, Colonial Series, vol. I, 118. George Washington to John Augustine Washington, May 31, 1754.

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